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Opinion and Comments
Volume I - July
3, 1909 - Number 3
The
Highest Synthesis
In
the Bengalee's issue of the 29th June there is a very interesting
article on Nationalism and Expediency, which seems to us to call for some
comment. The object of the article is to modify or water the strong wine of
Nationalism by a dash of expediency. Nationalism is a faith, the writer
admits; he even goes much farther than we are prepared to go and claims for
Nationalism that it is the highest of all syntheses. This is a conclusion we
are not prepared to accept; it is, we know, the highest which European
thought has arrived at so far as that thought has expressed itself in the
actual life and ideals of the average European. In Positivism Europe has
attempted to arrive at a higher synthesis, the synthesis of humanity; and
Socialism and philosophical Anarchism, the Anarchism of Tolstoy and Spencer,
have even envisaged the application of the higher intellectual synthesis to
life. In India we do not recognise the nation as the highest synthesis to
which we can rise. There is a higher synthesis, humanity; beyond that there
is a still higher synthesis, this living, suffering, aspiring world of
creatures, the synthesis of Buddhism; there is a highest of all, the
synthesis of God, and that is the Hindu synthesis, the synthesis of Vedanta.
With us today Nationalism is our immediate practical faith and gospel not
because it is the highest possible synthesis, but because it must be
realised in life if we are to have the chance of realising the others. We
must live as a nation before we can live in humanity. It is for this reason
that Nationalist thinkers have always urged the necessity of realising our
separateness from other nations and living to ourselves for the present, not
in order to shut out humanity, but that we may get that individual strength,
unity and wholeness which will help us to live as a nation for humanity. A
man must be strong and free in himself before he can live usefully for
others, so must a nation. But
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that does not justify us in forgetting the ultimate aim of evolution. God in
the nation becomes the realisation of the first moment to us because the
nation is the chosen means or condition through which we rise to the higher
syntheses. God in humanity, God in all creatures, God in Himself and ourself.
Home
Faith
and Analysis
Because Nationalism is the highest synthesis, it is more than a mere faith,
says the Bengalee, it embodies an analysis, however unconscious or
even inadequate, of the actual forces and conditions of life. We do not
quite understand our contemporary's philosophy. An unconscious analysis is a
contradiction in terms. There may be a vague and ill-expressed weighing of
things in the rough, but that is not analysis. Analysis is in its nature a
deliberate intellectual process; the other is merely a perception of things
separately or together but without analysis. And analysis is not
inconsistent with faith, but must accompany it unless the faith is merely
superstition. Every faith is to a certain extent rational, it has its own
analysis and synthesis by which it seeks to establish itself intellectually;
so has Nationalism. What the Bengalee means is apparently that our
faith ought not to exceed our observation; in other words, we ought to
calculate the forces for and against us and if the favourable forces are
weak and the unfavourable strong, we ought to move with caution and
hesitation. Now that is a very different question which has nothing to do
with the philosophical aspect of Nationalism but with the policy of the
moment. Our position is that Nationalism is our faith, our dharma,
and its realisation the duty which lies before the country at the present
moment. If so, it is a thing which must be done and from which we cannot
turn merely because the forces are against us. If we rely on an analysis of
forces, what is it we arrive at ? It was only yesterday that there was a
series of articles in the Bengalee which sought to establish the
proposition that the Hindus on whom the burden of the movement has fallen
are a doomed and perishing race. The writer arrived at that conclusion by
patient and exhaustive analysis. What else does analysis
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show us ? It shows us one of the most powerful Governments in the
world determined not to part with its absolute control and aided for the
present by a large part of one of the chief communities in India. On the
other side a people unequipped, unorganised, without means or resources,
divided within itself, a considerable portion of it inert, and even in the
educated class a part of it unsympathetic, afraid, insisting on caution and
prudence. Shall we then turn from our work ? Shall we deny God ? Rationality
demands that we should. And if we do not, it is simply because it would be
to deny God, because we have 'mere' faith, because we believe that God is
within us, a spiritual force strong enough to overcome all physical
obstacles, weaknesses, disabilities, that God is in the movement, that He is
its leader and guides it, that we belong to the world and the future and are
not a spent and dying force. This faith we hold because we understand the
processes by which He works and can therefore see good in evil, light in the
darkness, a preparation for victory in defeat, a new life in the apparent
process of disintegration.
Home
Mature
Deliberation
That the movement is from God has been apparent in its history. Our
contemporary does not believe that God created and leads the movement, he
thinks that Sj. Surendranath Banerji created it and leads it. Only so can we
explain the extraordinary statement, "every step that has been taken in
construction has been preceded by mature deliberation". Is this so ? Was the
Swadeshi movement preceded by mature deliberation ? Everybody knows that it
was scouted by our leaders and, if it had been again proposed to them a
month before it suddenly seized the country, would still have been scouted.
It came as a flood comes and swept away everybody in its mighty current. Was
the Boycott preceded by mature deliberation ? Everybody knows how it came,
advocated by obscure mofussil towns, propagated by a Calcutta vernacular
newspaper, forced on leaders who shrank from it with misgivings, accepted it
with tremors and even then would
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only have used it for a short time as a means of pressure to get the
Partition reversed. Everybody knows how it spread over Bengal with the
impetuosity of a cyclone. Was the National Education movement preceded by
mature deliberation ? It came suddenly, it came unexpectedly, unwelcome to
many and still damned with a half-hearted support by the leaders of the
country. That is what we mean by saying that God is in the movement and
leads it. It is a greater than human force, incalculable, sudden and
impetuous, which has swept over the country shattering and recreating,
transforming cowards into heroes, lovers of ease into martyrs, self-seekers
into self-sacrificers, changing in a few years the whole outlook, temper and
character of a nation.
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The
Importance of the Individual
It
is not surprising that with these ideas the Bengalee should deprecate
the call for continued courage and self-sacrifice which has been made by
Srijut Aurobindo Ghose in his speech at Jhalakati, for to that speech the
article is a controversial answer. The cry for expediency resolves itself
into an argument for individual prudence on the part of the leaders. "It
seems to us to be a fatal idea that for the progress of the nation
individuals are not necessary or that particular individuals are not more
necessary than other individuals." And the writer asks whether an organ is
justified in cutting itself off for the sake of the organism, and
immediately answers his own question partially by saying, yes, when the
interests of the organism require it. The metaphor is a false one; for the
individual is not an organ, he is simply an atom, and atoms not only can be
replaced but are daily replaced, and the replacement is necessary for the
continued life of the organism. In times of stress or revolution the
replacement is more rapid, that is all. Whatever the importance of
particular individuals, — and the importance of men like Sj. Aswini Kumar
Dutta or Sj. Krishna Kumar Mitra is not denied by any man in his senses and
was not denied but dwelt upon by the speaker at Jhalakati, — they are not
necessary, in the sense that God does not depend upon them for the execution
of His purposes. Our
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contemporary does not expressly deny God's existence or His omnipotence or
His providence, and if he accepts them, he is debarred from insisting that
God cannot save India without Sj. Surendranath Banerji or Sj. Aswini Kumar
Dutta, that He is unable to remove them and find other instruments or that
their deportation or disappearance will defer the fulfilment of His purposes
to future centuries.
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The
Fatalism of Action
Our contemporary does however seem to doubt these qualities in the Ruler of
all. He holds it to be a fatal doctrine "that we are none of us necessary,
that everything that is happening or can happen is for the best, that God is
seeking His fulfilment in inscrutable ways, that He will Himself lead the
country when our prominent men are removed from the arena". This, he says,
is fatalism, and by flinging the word fatalism at Srijut Aurobindo, he
thinks he has damned his position. The word fatalism means usually a
resigned passivity, and certainly any leader who preached such a gospel
would be injuring the country. That would be indeed a fatal doctrine. But
our contemporary admits that it is a fatalism of action and not of inaction
he is censuring, he blames the speaker for advocating too much action and
not too little. All that the "fatalism" censured means is a firm faith in
the love and wisdom of God and a belief based on past experience that as it
is His purpose to raise up India, therefore everything that happens or can
happen just now will tend to the fulfilment of His purpose. In other words,
there is now an upward tendency in the nation with an immense force behind
it and, in such conditions, it is part of human experience that the force
makes use of every event to assist the progress of the tendency until its
contribution to human development is fulfilled. That is the idea of kāla
or the Zeitgeist working, and, put religiously, it means that God being
Supreme Wisdom uses everything for His supreme purposes and out of evil
cometh good. This is true of our private life as every man of spiritual
insight can testify; he can name and estimate the particular good which has
come out
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of every apparent evil in his life. The same
truth applies to the life of the nation.
Home
God's Ways
When it is said that God's ways are inscrutable, it is simply meant that
man's reason, on which the Bengalee lays so much stress, is not
always sufficient to estimate at the time the object He has in a particular
dispensation of calamity or defeat. It seems to be nothing but calamity and
defeat and it is only afterwards that the light of reason looking backwards
is able by the illumination of subsequent events to understand His doings.
Therefore we must have faith and an invincible faith or else the calamities
will be too great for our courage and endurance. Is this a false doctrine or
a fatal doctrine ? Will the country be injured by it or helped by it ? Srijut
Aurobindo never said that God would step in to fill the place of Srijut
Aswini Dutta or others removed from the arena. His position was that God has
been driving on the movement from the beginning and was always the leader
when they were with us and remains the leader when they are taken from us.
Home
Adequate
Value
The Bengalee insists however that individual life is quite as sacred
for its own purposes as national life for its higher purposes, that
the nation must get adequate value for each sacrifice that the
individuals make, and that great men must protect themselves from danger
because their removal at a critical moment may mean incalculable injury. We
deny that individual life is as sacred as national life; the smaller cannot
be so sacred as the greater, self cannot be so sacred as others, and to say
that it is quite as sacred for its own purposes is to deify selfishness. Our
lives are useful only in proportion as they help others by example or action
or tend to fulfil God in man. It is not true that my ease is sacred, my
safety is sacred, or my self-interest is sacred. This if anything is "a
fatal doctrine". We do not deny that sacrifice cannot be an
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end to itself; no one is so foolish as to advance any such proposition. But
when the Bengalee argues that the individual must demand adequate
value for every sacrifice he makes on the national altar, it shows a
complete inability to appreciate the nature of sacrifice and the laws of
politics. If we had acted in this Baniya spirit, we should never have got
beyond the point at which we stood four years ago. It is by unhesitating,
whole-hearted and princely sacrifices that nations effect their liberty. It
has always been so in the past and the laws of nature have not altered and
will not alter to suit the calculating prudence of individuals. A great man
is valuable to the nation and he should guard himself but only so far as he
can do so without demoralising his followers, ceasing from the battle or
abdicating his right to leadership. He should never forget that he leads and
the nation looks up to him as a fountain of steadfastness, unselfish
sacrifice and courage. Expediency means national expediency, not individual
expediency. Even so it must be the larger expediency which makes great
sacrifices and faces great risks to secure great ends. Statesmanship is not
summed up in the words prudence and caution, it has a place for strength and
courage.
Home
Expediency
and Nationalism
We
have met the arguments of the Bengalee at some length because we hold
the teaching in this article to be perilous in its tendencies. There is
plenty of selfishness, prudence, hesitating calculation in the country,
plenty of fear and demoralisation in the older generation. There is no need
to take thought and labour for increasing it. Steadfastness, courage, a calm
and high spirit are what we now need, wisdom to plan and act, not prudence
to abstain from action. Nationalism tempered by expediency is like the
French despotism tempered by epigrams. The epigrams undermined the
despotism, the expediency is likely to undermine and in some quarters is
visibly undermining the Nationalism. More "incalculable injury" is likely to
be done by teaching of this kind at this juncture than by the removal of any
great man, however prominent and inspiring his greatness.
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