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India and the Mongolian
WHEN
Srijut Bepin Chandra Pal in his speech at the Federation Ground was speaking of
the possibility of China and Japan overthrowing European civilisation, how many
of the audience understood or appreciated the great issues of which he spoke? We
have lost the faculty of great ideas, of large outlooks, of that instinct which
divines the great motions of the world. This huge country, this mighty
continent, once full of the clash of tremendous forces, stirring with high
exploits and gigantic ambitions, loud with the voices of the outside world, has
become a petty parish; the palace of the Aryan Emperors is now the hut of a
crouching slave, small in his ideas, mean in his aspirations, his head sunk, his
eyes downcast, so that he cannot see the heavens above him or the magnificent
earth around. If one speaks to him of his mighty possibilities of great deeds
that he yet shall do, or seeks to remind him that he is the descendant of kings,
he takes the speaker for a madman talking vain things and a derisive smile of
pity is his only reply. We hold it to be the greatest injury of all that England
has done us, that she has thus degraded our soul and dwarfed our imagination. It
is only by the grace of God that a reawakening has come, that we are once more
becoming conscious of our divine inheritance and the grandiose possibilities of
our future.
Of all the minds that have stirred to the breath of God among us,
refreshed themselves from the fountain of strength and inspiration and risen to
their full height and stature Srijut Bepin Chandra's is the most penetrating,
the most alive to the thoughts that are filling the modern world, the first to
divine the future and prophesy the movements of God in the nation. While others
were the slaves of Western ideals, his mind first caught the meaning of the
sudden arising of India, first proclaimed the spiritual character of the
movement, first discovered that it was not only the body but the soul of India
that was awaking from the sleep of the ages. On Saturday when he spoke
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of
India as the saviour of Europe, he again gave expression to a prophetic thought,
again looked with more than human insight into the future. The truth was not one
which his hearers could grasp; many must have gone away scoffing, few could
have appreciated the luminous penetration of insight which lay behind the
thought of the speaker. The awakening of Asia is the fact of the twentieth
century, and in that awakening the lead has been given to the Mongolian races of
the. Far East. In the genius, the patriotic spirit, the quick imitative faculty
of Japan, -- in the grand deliberation, the patient thoroughness, the
irresistible organisation of China, Providence found the necessary material
force which would meet the European with his own weapons and outdo him in that
science, strength and ability which are his peculiar pride. The political
instinct of the European races has enabled them to understand the purpose of the
Almighty in the awakening of the Mongol. A terror is in their hearts, a palsy
has come upon their strength, and with blanched lips they watch every movement
of the two Eastern giants, each wondering when his turn will come to feel the
sword of the Mikado or what will happen when China, the Titan of the world,
shall have completed her quiet, steady, imperturbable preparation. The vision of
a China organised, equipped, full of the clang of war and the tramp of armed
men, preparing to surge forth westwards is the nightmare of their dreams. And
another terror of economic invasion, of the Mongol swamping Europe with cheap
labour and stifling the industries of Europe adds a fresh poignancy to the
apprehensions which convulse the West. Hence the panic in America, in Australia,
in Africa, the savage haste to expel the Asiatic at any cost before the military
strength of China is sufficiently developed to demand entrance for her subjects
with the sword emphasising her demand. This is the Yellow Peril, and every
European knows in his heart of hearts that it is only a question of time
necessary for his vision to translate itself into the waking world. But one
thing the European has not yet perceived and that is that the Mongolian is no
wild adventurer to go filibustering to Australia or bombard with his siege-guns
San Francisco or New York before Asia is free. The first blow given by the
Mongolian fell upon Russia because she stood across
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the
Asiatic continent barring the westward surge of his destiny. The second blow
will fall on England because she holds India.
The position of India makes her the key of Asia. She divides the Pagan
Far East from the Mahomedan West, and is their meeting-place. From her alone can
proceed a force of union, a starting-point of comprehension, a reconciliation of
Mahomedanism and Paganism. Her freedom is necessary to the unity of Asia.
Geographically, she occupies an impregnable position of strength commanding the
East of Asia as well as the West, from which as from a secure fortress she can
strike the nations of the Persian or the Chinese world. Such a position held by
an European Power means a perpetual menace to the safety of Asia. It will
therefore be the first great enterprise of a Chino-Japanese alliance to eject
the English from India, and hold her in the interests of Asiatic freedom and
Asiatic unity. This necessity of India's position is one which neither the
English nor the Mongolian can escape. No treaties, no attempts to reconcile
conflicting interests will stand against the secret and inexorable necessity
which forces nations to follow not the dictates of prudence or diplomacy, but
the fiat of their environment. When the inevitable happens and the Chinese
armies knock at the Himalayan gates of India and Japanese fleets appear before
Bombay harbour, by what strength will England oppose this gigantic combination?
Her armies which took two years to overcome the opposition of forty thousand
untrained farmers in the Transvaal? Her fleets which have never fought a battle
with a trained foe since Trafalgar? They will be broken to pieces by the science
and skill of the Mongolian. And the key of Asia will pass into Mongolian hands
and the strength of India, the Sikh and the Rajput and the Maratha, the force of
Mahomedan valour and the rising energy of new nations in Bengal and Madras will
all be at the service and under the guidance of the Mongolian who will not fail
to use them as England has failed, letting them run to waste, but will hammer
them into a sword of strength for the fulfilment of his mission, the extrusion
of the European from Asia, Africa, Australia, the smiting down of European
pride, the humiliation of Western statecraft, power and civilisation and its
subordination to the lead of the dominant Asiatic.
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The
doom is drawing very near and the awakening of Bengal has come just in time to
give India a chance of recovering her freedom of action. If she strains every
nerve to use the chance, if she is able to develop her self-consciousness, her
unity, her warlike instincts, her industrial independence, she will be in a
position to assert her own will, to offer herself as an ally and not an
instrument, it may be even, as Bepin Babu suggested, to mediate between the
civilisation of Europe and Asia, both of them so necessary to human development.
Two great obstacles stand in her way. The blindness of the bureaucracy which is
straining every nerve to crush the Indian renascence in the vain hope that it
can continue to rule, is the least of the two. Far more formidable is the
greater though more excusable blindness of the people themselves who still
persist in connecting their future with the rule of England. Our Moderate
politicians refuse to allow their minds to shake off the delusion that the
British rule is a dispensation of Providence and meant to endure. All their
thoughts of the future assume that the present is perpetual, that what is, will
be. As one long in darkness cannot see the light when it enters suddenly his
prison, so our people even when the dawn has come, cannot believe that it is
really daybreak. They persist in assuming that the night will continue and are
content with merely turning a little in bed instead of rising and swiftly
accoutring themselves for the work of the day. The warning which Srijut Bepin
Chandra addressed to the British people, is also a warning to the people of
India. British rule can only continue in India, if India is willing that it
should continue and strong enough to defend it against all comers. If a
rejuvenated India decides to be free, it depends on the present action of the
bureaucracy whether free India will be a friend of England and a mediator
between Europe and the triumphant Mongol or an ally of the latter in the
approaching Armageddon. Even if the movement in India is crushed, it will not be
England that will reap the fruit of her crime in strangling an infant
Nationality. She will before long be swept out of India by the Mongolian broom
and the latent forces which she refused to utilise will be used against her by a
bolder and more skilful statesmanship. The people of India too will have to reap
the fruits of their present Karma. On
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them
far more than on the bureaucracy it depends whether they will meet the coming
Mongolian as a destined slave and instrument,
an ally or an equal whose voice shall override all others in
determining the fate of the world.
Religion
and the Bureaucracy
The
measure of the panic into which the new movement has thrown the bureaucracy can
be taken from its interference with the religious life of the people. Time was
when the rulers shrank from any interference with religion lest it should arouse
what they were pleased to call the fanaticism of the people. But one ghost
drives out another, and the old fear of fanaticism has given place to the
greater fear of the new Nationalism, just as the fear of the Mahomedans has
given place to the more tangible terror of the resurgent Hindu community. The
expulsion of a religious preacher from Travancore is significant of the
direction in which the fears of the bureaucracy are tending. That this act of
tyranny was not the work of the Maharaja goes without saying, since no Hindu
prince would dream of interfering with the religion of his subjects. The
dictation of the Resident is the only explanation of this political act.
Whatever activity may help the growth of national spirit or foster self-respect
in the people, is now suspect to the rulers and will be stopped wherever
possible, impeded where direct prohibition cannot be exercised. The famine
relief work of Lala Lajpat Rai is being interfered with as seditious, and the
religious preaching of the Madras Brahman has been vetoed because it calls on
the people to revive the spiritual glories of ancient India. The struggle will
soon overpass the political limits; for the next stage in Swadeshi will be a
return of the nation to its old spirituality and active habit of philanthropy
with the revival of the nation as its motive. When the bureaucracy interferes
with this development as it will be driven to interfere by the instinct of
self-preservation, as it has already begun to interfere, the true struggle will
begin, the Avatar will be ready to manifest himself and the end will come.
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The
Milk of Putana
A
spirit of conciliation is evident in some of the recent acts of the bureaucracy,
such as the separation of Judicial and Executive of which Sir Harvey Adamson has
given the details in his speech in Council. The policy of Sir Sydenham Clarke in
Bombay is of the same type, and from the Mofussil we hear of politician
Magistrates who are busy re-establishing the use of foreign articles by skilful
exhibitions of sympathy attended with intimidating of Swadeshists carried out
through the instrumentality of Indian subordinates on whom the whole blame is
thrown. This is the milk of Putana by which Kamsa hoped to poison the infant
Krishna. The modern Kamsa comes of a shopkeeping breed and is careful only to
let the infant have as much of the milk and no more as will do his business for
him. The separation of Judicial and Executive functions, the pet scheme of the
old mendicancy, will be carried out only in a district or two of Eastern Bengal
as an experiment. The policy of Sir Sydenham Clarke has confined itself to sweet
words and abstention from repression, and the milk of Mr. Morley’s sympathy is
limited to so much as can be bottled for use in a Council of Notables. So too
the politician Magistrates take care to do nothing except occasionally rescind
oppressive orders which they have already issued in the names of their Indian
subordinates. Their policy is to throttle Swadeshi with one hand while stroking
the District paternally on the head with the other. What shall we do with this
milk of Putana? Sri Krishna drained the breasts of Putana and killed her, and if
the bureaucracy begins giving real concessions, that will be its fate. But this
watered milk of Morleyan sympathy is a different matter. To drink it is to
weaken ourselves and help the adversary.
Bande
Mataram,
April 1, 1908
Oligarchy
Rampant
The
Indu Prakash, commenting on the Poona District Conference, again raises
the note of dissension. It draws attention to
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the
conflicting nature of the reports telegraphed respectively to the Hindu from
Nationalist sources and to the Tribune from a Moderate correspondent. The
Poona Conference had passed a resolution in favour of an united Congress, and
the telegram in the Hindu represents this as a fiat to the
Congress leaders, the telegram to the Tribune as a pious wish meant only
to operate if the leaders chose to agree. The Indu resents the speech of
the President and the Nationalist interpretation of the resolution as a threat
to the leaders menacing them with the intervention of the nation if they refuse
to compose their quarrels. Whatever may have been the circumstances under
which the resolution was passed, the speech of the President was unmistakable;
it asserted the sovereignty of the nation, the purely delegatory character of
the power of the leaders and the right of the former to dictate to the latter.
The Bombay organ of Moderatism resents the claim of the nation to dictate to the
leaders; it holds that it is the leaders who ought to dictate to the nation. In
our articles on the Congress Constitution we described the present constitution
of the Congress as an oligarchy and we hear that some of our Moderate readers
resented this description. We ask them whether this attitude of the Indu is
not the very spirit of oligarchy? Can any more narrow and exclusive claim be set
up for a small circle of men than this that the nation shall have no right to
dictate to them their course in a crisis when the whole future of the country
depends on their action? The Indu says that an united Congress shall only
be held if the leaders were willing to hold it. Again pure oligarchy! It does
not matter what the nation thinks, but because Mr. Gokhale and Mr. Tilak cannot get on together, or because Sir Pherozshah Mehta or Dr. Rash Behari Ghose
are of a different opinion from Srijut Bepin Chandra Pal, the nation has to see
the Congress broken asunder for ever. And such considerations are to rule the
destiny of a great people!
Bande
Mataram,
April 2, 1908
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