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The Martyrdom of Bepin Chandra
WE HAVE
felt considerable delicacy hitherto in writing on the prosecution of Srijut
Bepin Chandra Pal for refusing to take the oath in the Bande Mataram Case,
as that prosecution has arisen directly out of our own. In fact, all the more
important events of recent occurrence in Calcutta have been so closely
connected, directly or indirectly, with this case that we have been practically
compelled to keep our lips closed on current public affairs. The imprisonment
of the Nationalist orator and propagandist, the most prominent public figure of
the New Party in
Bengal, is nevertheless a matter of capital importance on which we cannot remain
silent. Without touching on the relations of this affair with the Bande
Mataram Case we shall say what we have to say on the political aspect of the
vindictive sentence passed by the third Presidency Magistrate, an obscure
servant of the bureaucracy, on the man with a great and historic mission whom
the strange incongruous humour of Fate brought before his petty judgment-seat.
Srijut Bepin Chandra Pal has been condemned to six months' simple
imprisonment, the maximum penalty permitted by the law for the crime of
possessing a conscience, Mr. Hume asked for a conviction on the ground that
Bepin Babu had baulked the prosecution in the Bande Mataram Case. Apart
from the large assumption involved in the assertion that his evidence would have
materially assisted the prosecution, this appears to us a singular plea for a
lawyer to put forward. It has not yet been made a crime punishable under the
Penal Code to baulk a Government prosecution and if it was the intention to draw
the Magistrate's attention to the political bearings of the case, it was at
least maladroit to allow the suggestion to be palpable. We will take it,
however, that the Magistrate sentenced Bepin Babu for a breach of the law which
the defendant did not deny, not for an action of which there was no evidence and
which is not an offence under the law. What then was Bepin Babu's offence?
Certainly
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it
was not that he carried the policy of Boycott beyond the limits of legality and
preferred adhesion to his own political programme before the dictates of the
alien's law. That would have been an action which, however pardonable or
praiseworthy in the eyes of patriots engaged in a life and death struggle with
the bureaucracy, must necessarily figure as a serious offence in the eyes of the
bureaucracy itself and we could hardly quarrel with its servant for trying to
serve the interests of his employers by the infliction of a severe punishment.
But it was distinctly declared by Bepin Babu that it was not as a boycotter, not
with the political intention of making the working of the bureaucratic law
courts impossible, that he declined to give evidence or take the oath. The
boycott in
Bengal
has not yet been extended in practice to the law courts, and even in theory it
is proposed to extend it only to voluntary resort to the protection of the alien
authorities and not to cases in which one is compelled to them by a warrant or a
summons. A few men like Bhupendranath Dutt who have realised freedom in their
souls and refuse to be bound by any limitations of an alien making, may decline
to have anything to do with the law which the nation had no hand in framing and
the courts over which the nation has no control, but this has not yet become the
accepted policy of the New Party and there was no moral compulsion on its leader
to make any such refusal. If it had been an ordinary case of crime, he would not
have refused to give evidence. It was, in fact, as an individual case of
conscience that he regarded the question. In his first statement Bepin Babu
declared that it was the duty of a citizen to refuse to take any part in such
cases which are manifestly unjust and injurious to society and the peace of the
country. In his later statement the expression about the duty of the citizen
was, wisely we think, dropped: for we in
India
are not citizens and having no rights of citizenship cannot be saddled with any
duties of citizenship. The members of a subject nation absolutely destitute of
any inalienable rights cannot have any moral obligations as citizens: they can
only have moral obligations as patriots and subject to their patriotic
obligations, as members of a social order. If therefore we recognise any
obligation to respect and
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obey
the law, it is not as citizens but as members of the social order who are
interested in its maintenance and in the maintenance of peace and order so long
as, and no longer than, that order and peace do not militate against the
well-being of the society instead of promoting it. The moment obedience to the
law involves a wound to society, the individual is brought face to face with a
difficult case of conscience.
It was in such a difficult situation that Bepin Babu found himself. He
was called on to associate himself as a prosecution witness with a political
policy carried on under the forms of law, a policy which he considered fatal to
the well-being and peace of the nation, but which he had no means of challenging
except by the passive protest of refusing to perform the function required of
him. He had to obey either the dictates of his conscience or the requirements
of the law and he held the imperative command of his conscience a more sacred
and binding law than the Penal Code. The law had a right to assert itself by
inflicting on him a nominal or slight penalty, it had no right to punish a man
vindictively for obeying his conscience. The Magistrate thought perhaps that he
was serving the interests of the present system and ensuring its stability by
putting Bepin Pal in prison for six months, but what has he really done? Merely
made people believe that the bureaucracy is so savage in its repression, so enamoured of power, that for its sake it will not even allow a man to possess a
conscience, that an honest and reluctant protest on the part of a distinguished
and honourable man against a misuse of the law will be punished by it with eager
severity if it happens to conflict with its own interests or its repressive
policy.
The country will not suffer by the incarceration of this great orator and
writer, this spokesman and prophet of Nationalism, nor will Bepin Chandra
himself suffer by it. He has risen ten times as high as he was before in the
estimation of his countrymen: if there are any among them who disliked or
distrusted him, they have been silenced, for good we hope, by his manly,
straightforward and conscientious stand for the right as he understood it. He
will come out of prison with his power and
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influence
doubled, and Nationalism has already become the stronger for his
self-immolation. Posterity will judge between him and the petty tribunal which
has treated his honourable scruples as a crime.
Bande Mataram,
September 12, 1907
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